有证据表明以色列人曾经住在埃及，正如圣经所说的那样吗？
约瑟的原墓被找到了吗？
作者：
Dr. Bryant G. Wood of
Associates for Biblical
Research.
张逸萍译自：http://www.christiananswers.net/q-abr/abr-a027.html
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“我们不仅知道兰塞在哪里，而且我们知道很多关于这古遗址的历史。”
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兰塞这个名字，实际上，在以色列旅居埃及之后才有。它是主前13世纪，拉美西斯大帝（拉美西斯二世）（Rameses，中文圣经翻译的兰塞）在尼罗河东三角洲，所建造的一个城市的名字。后来当文士们抄写圣经，回顾地使用这个更熟悉的名字。虽然兰塞的位置，多年来有争论，但现已解决。我们不仅知道兰塞在哪里，而且我们知道很多关于这古遗址的历史。
自1966年以来，开罗的奥地利考古学院的
Manfred Bietak指导下，在那里进行了大规模的挖掘（关于从前的报告，见：Shea 1990: 100-103; Wood 1991: 104-106; Aling 1996: 20-21）。可能这是Bietak教授第一次找到物证，来证明以色列人在埃及的存在。古代兰塞，位于大
巴丘（Tell el-Daba）东部三角洲，约在开罗东北100 km。古代的尼罗河支流，叫Pelusiac的，流经该地点，进入地中海；此外，该镇位于通往迦南著名的荷魯斯之路（Horus）上。因此，它是一个重要的商业和军事中心。「有不认识约瑟的新王起来，治理埃及。」（出一8）
我们可以将该地点的历史分为三个时期∶前希克索斯王朝前（pre-Hyksos）、希克索斯王朝（Hyksos）和后希克索斯王朝后（post-Hyksos）。希克索斯是来自叙利亚
- 巴勒斯坦的闪族人，住在尼罗河三角洲，他们终于统治了埃及北部约108年，就是主前1663年至1555年（15年）
[1] 。根据出埃及的日期（主前1450年）来算，雅各和他的家人，约在主前1880年抵达埃及。那就是在希克索斯王朝前期，当城镇的名字还是Rowaty，“两条路的门”（Bietak
1996,9,19）。 [2]
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这可能是Bietak第一次找到物证，证明以色列人在埃及：时间对了、地点对了、文化对了。
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最早证据是第十二朝的晚期（主前19世纪中期）时[3] ，有亚洲人在
Rowaty（这个城市后来叫做兰塞），同时也找到一个农村拓居点。这里没设防，虽然有许多围墙，很可能是饲养动物的地方。居住处包括由沙砖建成的长方形小屋（Bietak 1986∶237; 1991b∶32）。这很可能是以色列人在埃及的第一个物证：时间对了、地点对了、文化对了。在大巴丘的第一个亚洲拓居点的所有居民，不是都住在小屋里。其中一个，显然一个重要的官员，住在一个小别墅。圣经告诉我们，约瑟为法老正确地解梦之后，就成为一位高级官员（创四十一39-45）。我们不知道约瑟在埃及官方工作时，住在哪里。然而，在履行与饥荒有关的职责后，他会搬到兰塞，靠近他的父亲和兄弟。这样假设，是合逻辑的。
这个别墅可能是约瑟的家吗？
[4]别墅是110×12米的大小，位于一个12 x 19米、有围墙的、场地的一边。它包括六个房间，排得好像一个马蹄似的，围绕著一个开阔的庭院。最引人注目的方面是，这
房子的平面图，与后来的巴勒斯坦铁器时代的以色列“四室房子”相同（Holladay 1992a）。这种类型房子是这样的：两侧房，和一个后房围绕著中央的空间或庭院。[5]附近，在别墅周围，排列成半圆形的房子，是较谦卑的两居室房子，大小约为6×8米。如果别墅是约瑟的家，那么周围的小屋可能是约瑟的父亲和兄弟的家。在拓居点的破瓦残砾中发现的陶器，约有20％，是巴勒斯坦中古铜器时代的陶器（
Bietak 1996∶10）。在别墅西南的空旷地方，是拓居点的公墓。就是在这里，我们发现了一些最惊人的证据。
坟墓是用埃及时代的泥砖建造的，但里面的东西，完全是亚洲人的。虽然它们被彻底抢劫过，50％的男人墓中，仍然有巴勒斯坦型武器。通常，男死者有两个标枪，战斧和匕首。第八墓是好例子，它里面有一个鸭嘴槌和压花的青铜带（
Bietak 1996∶14）。然而，其中的一个坟墓是完全独特的，有异于在埃及所发现的任何东西……在埋葬区的西南端，距离别墅大约83米，是一个纪念性的墓，一号墓。它是一个差不多正方形的上层结构，包括主墓室和一个礼拜堂的附属建筑。在礼拜堂里的一个强盗坑中，挖掘者发现了一个巨大雕像的碎片，雕出一个亚洲的显贵要人。它的模样是一个坐著的官员，两倍于真人大小。它是由石灰石制成，手工优秀。它的皮肤是黄色的，在埃及艺术品中，习惯给亚洲人这颜色。它有一个蘑菇形的发型，漆成红色，典型的埃及艺术品中的亚洲人。在右肩上，有一个投掷杆，和一个代表外国人的埃及象形文字。这个雕像是被人蓄意砸碎和污损过的（
Bietak 1996∶20-21）。David Rohl在他的书《法老和国王∶圣经的任务》中建议，这是约瑟自己的坟墓（1995∶360-67）。[6]证据似乎支持这假设。我们必须假设，一号墓就是别墅的居住者，因此也许是约瑟自己。圣经明确地讲及约瑟的身体后来怎样。
「约瑟死了，正一百一十岁。人用香料将他薰了，把他收殓在棺材里，停在埃及。」（创五十26）
摩西在出埃及记的时候带著约瑟的骸骨，因为约瑟使以色列的儿子宣誓。
约瑟「对他们说：神必眷顾你们，你们要把我的骸骨从这里一同带上去。」（出十三19；参：创五十25）
当骸骨被拿走时，雕像是破碎的，还是在其他时间打破的？考古学无法告诉我们答案；我们只能猜测。
雕像被打破，可能是在一段政治动荡期间（Bietak 1996∶21），可能是当希克索斯王朝接管该地区时。很可能就是「不认识约瑟的新王起来」（出一8），就是第一个希克索斯王，他在主前1663年上台。[7]在那时间，以色列人受到猛烈的压迫（出一9-11）。也许当希克索斯推翻当地埃及政权时，也毁坏了雕像。由于坟墓中的遗骸也可能有危险，忠心的以色列人可能在这个时候妥善保管它。
在下一个占领时期[8]，简陋的住宅被一个巨大的宫殿建筑群所覆盖。显然，新来者虽然也是亚洲人，但与上一个时期不同。
[9]
宫殿综合构造包括几个大型的，纯埃及风格的建筑物。它包括上层楼、门廊、庭院、游泳池、花园和墓地（Bietak
1996∶21-30）。这一阶段的很多发现，都表明居住者是从事外贸的高级官员。看来，这是希克索斯王朝在该地点定居的初早期。
[10]随著这些人的到来，雅各儿子家族倒霉了（出一8-12a）。
没有鉴别的铭文，我们永远不能确定，先到的人是否以色列人。 [11]我们找不到同时期，提到雅各十二个儿子的参考资料。由于雅各的儿子是卑微的牧人，我们不期望找到这样的记录，除非是约瑟。[12]然而，有古代资料，提到以色列几个支派，当然，都是以雅各的儿子命名的。所以，间接地，我们有碑文提到雅各的儿子，尽管比较晚期。
对兰塞的发现，我们只能讲这么多。这些发现，正是我们希望能找到，关于以色列人住在埃及的。
译后记
当我将上边的译文，摘录在我的脸书，有弟兄介绍了类似的更新的资料﹕
「Filmmaker Searches for Proof of Biblical Exodus」（http://www1.cbn.com/video/filmmaker-searches-for-proof-of-biblical-exodus ， https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= UE4oHfQ34NU
）记载十灾的「Ipuwer
Papyrus」相关的youtube
（https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NSe09RcV0Q8
，https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UMw8VjWlq1A）
「以色人曾在埃及」的考古新证据」（http://cl-ministry.org/?p=1053
）
「Strong evidence for
Joseph's Tomb and Palace in Egypt!」（https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lm9ATLhkujY&feature=youtu.be
）
「
注释
1. The Egyptian word Hyksos means “foreign rulers.” In common usage, however, the term is used to refer in general to the Asiatics who settled in the eastern Delta of Egypt in the Second Intermediate Period. The dates for Hyksos rule are not known precisely. Those used here are based on the following: Expulsion of the Hyksos in approximately the 15th year of Ahmose (Bietak 1991b: 48) A total of 108 years for the rule of the Hyksos according to the Turin papyrus (Bietak 1991b: 48) The chronology of Wente and Van Siclen for the 18th Dynasty (Wente and Van Siclen 1977: 218). This chronology gives a death date for Tuthmosis III of 1450 BC, which correlates with the Biblical date for the Exodus. According to Scripture, the Pharaoh of the Exodus perished in the Yam Suph (Exodus 14:5-9,18,28; 15:4,7; Psalm 106:9-11; 136:15), therefore, we correlate the date of the Exodus with the death date of the Pharaoh of the Exodus. The chronology of Wente and Van Siclen also incorporates the low date of 1279 BC for the accession of Rameses II accepted by most scholars today.
2. In the 14th Dynasty, toward the end of the 18th century BC, the name of the town was changed to Avaris, “the (royal) foundation of the district” (Bietak 1996:40). When the Hyksos later established their capital there, they retained the name Avaris. It was probably the Hyksos rulers who forced the Israelites to build the store cities of Pithom (= Tell el-Maskhuta) and Rameses (= Tell el-Daba = Avaris) (Exodus 1:11). When Rameses II rebuilt the city in the 13th century in the post-Hyksos period, and long after the Israelites had left Egypt, the name was changed to Rameses. The location of Pithom has also been a matter of some debate. Now, however, it seems quite certain that it should be located at Tell el-Maskhuta at the eastern end of the Wadi Tumilat, 15 km west of Ismailiya. Asiatic remains similar to those found at Tell el-Daba have been found there and attributed to the Hyksos (Holladay 1992b: 588-89; 1997:332-34). According to Holladay, the Hyksos occupation at Tell el-Maskhuta took place ca. 1750-1625 BC. It would have been sometime during this time period, then, that the Israelites built the store city of Pithom.
3. Area F/I, Str. d/2, and Area A/II, Str H
4. Str. d/2 at Tell el-Daba
5. In Palestine, the side rooms were usually delineated by stone columns. With the scarcity of stone in Egypt, this feature would not be expected. Holladay suggests that the ground floor of such a house was primarily utilized for the economic aspects of family life such as the storage of food, tools and supplies, and the housing of animals. The family living space, on the other hand, was most likely on the second floor.
6. As a result of his nontraditional chronology of ancient Egypt, however, British historian David Rohl dates Tomb 1 to the late 17th century BC (1995: 339), rather than the mid-nineteenth century as determined by the excavators. Since Rohl believes the Sojourn to be only 215 years based on the Septuagint (1995: 329-32), Joseph and Tomb 1 end up being approximately contemporary by his chronology. The present author, however, disagrees with both of these views and holds to conventional Egyptian chronology and a Sojourn of 430 years (Ex 12:40) as recorded in the Masoretic text of the Hebrew Bible. Moreover, Rohl places Joseph and Tomb 1 in Str. d/1, while the present author accepts the excavators' dating of Tomb 1 to Str. d/2, and believes Str. d/2 to be a more compatible context for Joseph and the Israelites.
7. We are not certain of the name of the first Hyksos king. Redford suggests Salitis/Saites based on literary references (1992: 342), while Ward suggests Khyan based on inscriptional evidence (1984:162-72).
8. Str. d/1 dating to the early 13th Dynasty (early 18th century BC)
9. Str. d/2
10. Str. d/1
11. Str. d/2
12. There is a canal connecting the Nile with the Faiyum in the western desert named Bahr Yusuf, the “canal of Joseph.” Development of the Faiyum is associated with Dynasty 12, the time when Joseph was in Egypt carrying out land reforms (Genesis 41:46-49; Gardiner 1961: 35-36). Whether the name of the canal is ancient or from a relatively modern tradition is not known. Otherwise, the name of Joseph has not turned up in Egypt (see Aling 1996).
·
Y. Aharoni, The Land of the Bible, revised edition, translated and edited by A.F. Rainey (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1979).·
C.F. Aling, “The Historicity of the Joseph Story,” Bible and Spade 9 (1996), pp. 17-28.·
M. Bietak, Avaris and Piramesse: Archaeological Exploration in the Eastern Nile Delta, (London: The British Academy, 1986); “Der Friedhof in einem Palastgarten aus der Zeit des spten Mittleren Riches und andere Forschungsergebnisse aus dem stlichen Nildelta (Tell el-Daba 1984-1987),” Agypten und Levante 2 (1991a), pp. 47-109; “Egypt and Canaan During the Middle Bronze Age,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 281 (1991b), pp. 27-72; Avaris: The Capital of the Hyksos, (London: British Museum Press, 1996).o
Biran, “City of the Golden Calf,” Bible and Spade, 5 (1976), pp.
22-27; “To the God Who is in Dan,” in Temples and High Places in
Biblical Times, A. Biran, editor, (Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College,
1981), pp. 142-51.
·
Chambon, “Tell el-Far'ah I: L'ge du Fer,” Mmoire
31 (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1984).
·
Finkelstein, “Izbet Sartah: An Early Iron Age
Site Near Rosh Haayin, Israel,” BAR International Series 299 (Oxford:
B.A.R., 1986).
·
V. Fritz and A. Kempinski, Ergebnisse der
Ausgrabunden auf der Hiebet el-Msas (Tel Masos) 1972-1975 (Wiesbaden:
Otto Harrassowitz, 1983).
o
Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (London: Oxford University Press,
1961).
·
H. Gauthier, Dictionnaire des noms goraphiques
contenus dans les textes hiroglyphiques, Volume 1 (Cairo: L'Institute
Franais d'Archologie Orientale, 1925).
·
H.L. Ginsberg, “Aramaic Letters,” in J.B.
Pritchard, editor, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old
Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), pp. 491-492.
·
D.V. Hadley, “Asher,” in D.N. Freedman, editor,
The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), pp.
482-483.
·
J.S. Holladay, Jr. “House, Israelite,” in D.N.
Freedman, editor, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 3 (New York:
Doubleday, 1992a), pp. 308-18; “Maskhuta, Tell el-,” in D.N. Freedman,
editor, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 4 (New York: Doubleday,
1992b), pp. 588-92; “Maskhuta, Tell el-,” in E.M. Meyers, editor, The
Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, Volume 3 (New York:
Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 432-437.
·
K.A. Kitchen, Ancient Orient and Old Testament,
(Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1966); Ramesside Inscriptions
Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments, Volume 1 (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1993).
·
Lemaire, “House of David Restored in Moabite
Inscription,” Biblical Archaeology Review, 20/3 (1994), pp. 30-37.
·
C.C. McCown, Tell en-Nasbeh I (Berkeley: The
Palestine Institute of Pacific School of Religion, 1947).
·
A.L. Oppenheim, “Babylonian and Assyrian
Historical Texts,” in J.B. Pritchard, editor, Ancient Near Eastern Texts
Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press,
1969), pp. 265-317, 556-567.
·
D.B. Redford, “Hyksos: History,” in D.N.
Freedman, editor, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 3 (New York:
Doubleday, 1992), pp. 341-344.
·
D.M. Rohl, Pharaohs and Kings: A Biblical Quest
(New York: Crown, 1995).
·
H. Shanks, “Strata,” Biblical Archaeology Review,
23/2 (1997), p. 8.
·
W.H. Shea, “Leaving Egypt,” Archaeology and
Biblical Research, 3 (1990), pp. 99-111.
·
E. Stern, Material Culture of the Land of the
Bible in the Persian Period 538-332 B.C. (Warminster: Aris & Phillips,
1982).
·
W.A. Ward, “Royal-Name Scarabs,” in Olga Tufnell,
Studies on Scarab Seals, Volume 2 (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1984),
pp. 151-192.
·
E. Wente and C. Van Siclen III, “A Chronology of
the New Kingdom,” in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes January 12,
1977, J.H. Johnson and E.F. Wente, editors, Studies in Ancient Oriental
Civilization, 39 (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1977), pp. 217-261.
·
B.G. Wood, “Recent Discoveries and Research on
the Conquest,” Archaeology and Biblical Research, 4 (1991), pp. 104-110;
“Mesha, King of Moab,” Bible and Spade, 9 (1996), pp. 55-64.
·
G.E. Wright, Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical
City (London: Gerald Duckworth, 1965).
Author: Dr. Bryant G. Wood of
Associates for Biblical
Research.
Adapted from the ABR article: “The Sons of
Jacob: New Evidence for the Presence of the Israelites in Egypt”
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